Mircea Cartarescu:”First of all, is it ok, in relation to Serbia, to create the state of Kosovo through the declaration of independence of this province”?
Every international rule says: no, it’s not OK. After World War II, the borderlines of states from around the world, otherwise guaranteed by international agreements, have never been modified in such a way. Various forced secessions, like the one made by the Turkish half of Ciprus, were not recognized by anyone.
If there is no legal fundament for Kosovo’s independence, we might actually believe there is a moral reason for it all. Yet, today’s “good guys” were yesterdays “bad guys” in the eyes of the great powers and tomorrow, they could become “bad guys” once more.
It’s a fact that the Serbs have persecuted and created horrible actions of ethnic purification against the mainly Albanian population from this province. Still Kosovo’s nationalists were not so innocent. Their organizations had more or less obvious terrorist sides, with a major Muslim component, and were once visited by Osama Bin Laden himself. The wasp nest of Balkan wars knew neither angels nor demons, neither victims, nor executioners, but both of these parts, monstrously mixed.
When given the chance, the victim turned into a butcher, without thinking twice. The ultra-nationalist machine, the most primitive and revolutionary of all, brought everyone into the same battle. Therefore, the moral basis needed to validate the birth of this state is inexistent.
Economical reasons? People in Kosovo are dirt-poor and even more corrupted than us Romanians. The only way they’ll survive is by pumping billions of euros in an ghostly economy.
Strategic reasons? Actions against Russia’s influence in the Balkans is dissolved by facilitating an Islamic influence. Then what in God’s name is happening? Why did the world’s leaders took up such a major risk? Why did the great western leaders bent the international law rules and worked intensely to the invention of this state? And isn’t it awkward that they admit it’s existence with such promptitude?
Is it possible that both the United States and it’s European allies or rivals have made a huge mistake? Is it possible that they have not foreseen the opening of Pandora’s box, by creating a model that could blow up numerous disputed territories around the world? What is the meaning of this diplomatic game of pool that’s played in the Balkans? What are we being kept away from? What is the missing link?
Secondly, what is Romania supposed to do in this situation? Were we wrong when we didn’t aknowledge Kosovo’s independence? And if it was the right decision, is this a good choice to make when it comes to Realpolitik? Let’s have a look at the big picture right now.
Romania’s official stand has an obvious contradiction. First we claim that Kosovo’s independence cannot be a model and that Romania’s situation is not to be compared with Serbia. Then, we hasted in saying that never will we admit the existence of a new state.
Why? Because Kosovo’s independence can actually represent a model and because Romania’s situation is in fact similar. The way our politicians reacted in a single voice is nothing but the consequence of our fears, of our uncertainty when it comes to territorial integrity and off course, a consequence of our mistrust in the Hungarian minority from Transilvania.
Because we fear so much about Transilvania, we dare to face the West in a quite embarrassing alliance with Russia and Serbia, a fact that in terms of Realpolitik, could bring some extremely unpleasant consequences. The very small chances that Kosovo’s situation might repeat in Transilvania has blinded us from seeing how riskful it is for us, Europe’s black sheep, to be fight openly with the civilized world (even if their decision is irrational).
And finnaly, how real is the risk that we might lose Transilvania? The eternal “who was here first” type of questions are useless, just as useless as they have been for the Serbs. What’s clear is that our image around the world is much worse than Hungary’s image. In a certain case, the main powers of the world will suite the Hungarians. It’s up to us that we would never provoke that “certain case”. A faultless behaviour toward our Hungarian ethnics, a better understanding of the social and cultural needs of this minority is worth a lot more than a non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence.
Those who ask for taking out the Hungarian minority from Romania’s cabinet right now are foing far more harm than anything the Hungarians might do to our political situation. The risk of streanghtening ultra-nationalism, on both sides, is real and must be contained at all costs.
As regard to our official attitude toward Kosovo, I assume we will soon become more flexible. Because we have a choice to make, between being right along with Russia, or being wrong along with the United States and Europe. This is a dilemma that appeals to every source of wisdom we have.