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The triangle Ponta-SRI-Ghiță. How Romania was shook by the long hand of intelligence services. "We Are the State!" (XIV)

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I have read and watched part of the reactions that have been generated by the description of the night of December 6, 2009, the 2nd tour of presidential elections day.

The vast majority focused on the possibility of election fraud, an assumption that I never supported. But I recognize them the right to put all the possible questions for the explanation of an event at least strange. It's the only comment that I made and I am going to make on this subject.

As I said, in my opinion, that evening, home at Gabriel Oprea were gathered into a "crisis unit" high government officials who had reasons to fear Mircea Geoana's victory. I'm going to take each at a time, as I understand now, everyone's motivations.

2009, the General’s night

Gabriel Oprea - independent deputy. He had been removed from PSD as a result of the conflict with the group Cătălin Voicu-Marian Vanghelie, the stakes of the battle being the control of the Ministry of Internals. More specifically, the information service of the Ministry of Internals.

In the first phase, Gabriel Oprea has won, but after the naming of Virgil Ardeleanu as head of this, he was forced to resign. He believed deeply in the victory of Traian Băsescu, being an important member of the Group (outside the political scene) which supported him for a second term.

He had been threatened by the Group mentioned above, that if Geoana wins, he has a cell already prepared at Rahova.

Laura Codruta Kovesi - Attorney General of Romania. She was directly concerned by dismissal in the case of Mircea Geoana's victory, he announced in an interview for Mediafax a few days before the last ballot that he is going to change her.

"Mrs. Codruta Kovesi was challenged by SCM. She was put there by forcing the rule of designating a high dignitary", claimed Mircea Geoana in that interview. Asked if he would change her from duties, Geoana responds: "probably yes".

Her only chance was that Traian Basescu would win.

Laura Codruța Kovesi had at that time close relations with those present, especially with Florian Coldea and Gabriel Oprea. Moreover, at the time of her detachment to Brussels, she spoke often on the phone with the two, yet another proof that we are talking about relations coming out of the institutional sphere.

Florian Coldea - Prime Deputy Director of SRI. Risen from the rank of Major up to three-star General, depended entirely on Basescu's victory. Especially since he had been announced he is being prepared a post of Ambassador to Sudan.

Between the two rounds of elections he had a telephone conversation with Gen. Mitica Iliescu, one of the important people in the informative gear of PSD which he had ask some sort of assurance that nothing will happen to him. He was not given. It's obvious why Coldea needed a victory of the President.

George Maior - SRI Director. As a result of good personal relationship with Mircea Geoană he was the only dignitary of that night that I don't think had reasons to fear. Only that, clearly, could not remain the Director of SRI, but was to return to diplomacy, most likely.

Vasile Dâncu-had been involved in carrying out the survey that gave the most exact result in the history of opinion polls: 50.4 percent in favor of Basescu. A small error, 0.06 percen,t in relation to the official countdown.

Relational system

I promised that I'll start to explain what were the relations between Victor Ponta-Sebastian Ghita-George Maior-Florian Coldea. As we stated in the previous material, Victor Ponta became the President of PSD in 2010, being backed by Sebastian Ghita, who entered in an institutional relationship with SRI since 2007, and in a friendship one with SRI Prime Deputy, Florian Coldea, from 2009.

Tennis parties Maior-Dragnea-Ponta-Coldea, with Oprea and Vasile Dîncu, sometimes also had as a spectator Sebastian Ghiță. Meetings from K 2 and T 14 at which attended also Laura Codruta Kovesi gathered them all, as the parties from Ghita's vineyard remained in the memory of all.

Today, I'll tell you two episodes related to the governance of Victor Ponta.

ILIE SÂRBU Victor Ponta's father-in-law, defended by Ghita, Maior & Co, by DNA rage!

In October 15th, 2014 there was an episode that attracted the attention of all, directly involving the father-in-law of Victor Ponta. As a result of a file instrumented by DNA Brasov, two PSD important people were brought to the hearings, Viorel Hrebenciuc and Ilie Sârbu. I repeat, it was not an ordinary event, being in the middle of a presidential election campaign, while Victor Ponta was the PSD candidate. And his father-in-law was presented at the news from 08.00, in breaking news, as brought to the headquarters of DNA! A terrible blow...

Some, in fact very few, had the attention attracted by a small detail: the leader of the PSD senators, Ilie Sârbu, arrived Wednesday morning, along with a lawyer, at DNA Brașov. Only that he descended from a car registered in the name of one of the companies of Sebastian Ghiță. "So, Ilie Sârbu-father-in-law was yesterday (Wednesday, October 15th) at DNA Brasov with Ghita's personal car/Limo. A BMW - B-XXX-ASG", wrote journalist Sorina Matei.

A car that was linked to Sebastian Ghiță brought Ilie Sârbu to DNA Brașov? What's wrong with that? Just about everything!

The phones from DNA Brasov began to be reddened, where hearings took place in a file concerning the illegal restitution of lands, Viorel Hrebenciuc had been brought from Bucharest to DNA Brașov with a Police car and accompanied by investigators. Like any suspect, whom DNA reserves a dose of celebrity. So, gendarmes, mandate, broadcasters, the treatment reserved for 5 stars suspects.

The same thing happened in the case of Ilie Sârbu, but at the highest level of the Operation "We Are the State" has been determined by Laura Codruta Kovesi not to allow his involvement in humiliating circumstances. It turns out that the one who first learned the information, through journalists, was Sebastian Ghiță, who alerted George Maior, head of the SRI and Victor Ponta. The phones began to be reddened.

Hard to tell if, as Victor Ponta suspected, the one who "worked" him was Florian Coldea in tandem with the head of DNA, but the result for the image was to be disastrous. Especially since, as it proved later, the very important person who intervened, and whose name I still keep anonymous, had sufficient authority over Laura Codruta Kovesi to obtain change in the presentation to DNA

From the Gendarme's car to Ghiță's car. The road to DNA Brașov.

Why does Sebastian Ghita still show up? Because he was one of his trusted men! And here we are not talking about Victor Ponta...

Taking into account the fact that the road between Bucharest and Brasov takes two hours, it is assumed that the departure was at 06.00, so either the gendarmes came with a mandate to bring and were turned away, or Ghita's vehicle overtook on the way the PSD senators’ leader, taking him in a decent manner at the hearing from Brașov.

That if he had been taken from Bucharest. But, as we learned later, Ilie Sârbu Senator PSD was taken over, as was Viorel Hrebenciuc, from Timisoara, and on the road to DNA Brașov changed means of transportation. The file is in research Ilie Sarbu left DNA Brasov in less than an hour, telling the journalists that he wasn't examined as witness, without making other statements. Weird, isn’t it?

Was Victor Ponta's assumption that his compromising was aimed, real? All I can add is that still at this time, three years after the opening of this file, the cause is disjunctive, and the one of Ilie Sarbu is still in research at DNA, although his "colleague" Viorel Hrebenciuc was sent to court.

Moreover, it was proven that the transcripts at the basis of the dossier from DNA Brașov were forged by replacing some words, the transcriptions being made by SRI and certified, without any verification, by the DNA prosecutors.

“Only part of the errors were verified”

Here's what the HCCJ judge said, the one who analyzed the transcripts of DNA-SRI from the file in which were brought up with a mandate to DNA Brașov, Ilie Sârbu and Viorel Hrebenciuc: "In terms of magnitude or quantity of errors included in the transcripts, the judge found that in the protocols are multiple errors, the complaining citing approximately 1000 in 19 protocols (484, video or audio clips). In addition, it is noticed that in the summary of the requisitions just a part of these errors were analyzed.

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